Peace Process

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Conflicts between the federal government and state and local entities are as old as the nation itself.  And as the Fed has grown, so have the number of conflicts.  Some 38 states have considered, and nine have passed, “state sovereignty” resoltutions, while states from Florida to California are defying federal jurisdiction on issues including guns, immigration, drugs, ID cards, and oil spill cleanup.  All of this speaks to the magnitude of the problem.

Yet right here in Iron County, Utah, a new concept has arisen in federal-local relations: consensus building.  At issue are roads established on federal lands by the county under a 19th century law that required no written claims to establish the rights of way.  Now many of those rights-of-way are disputed by BLM and various environmental groups.

In many counties, the stakeholders have resorted to litigation.  But as Deseret News quotes a local representative as saying,

“If we were to litigate all these roads, we will be in this now to the next millennium.”

Instead, the Department of the Interior, under which BLM operates, is initiating a pilot program: where consensus can be reached, that consensus will be heeded.  Controversial claims will still have to go to litigation.

In a culture that seems to embrace adversarial relationships at every turn, it is refreshing to hear two sides of a dispute speak of building consensus.  With luck and hard work, this may signal a new era in resolving inter-governmental conflict.

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DSC_0153 by Public Citizen.
(Public Citizen photo.) 
Obama Care Doesn't Pay by Caveman 92223 — On the Road Again!.
(
Caveman 92223 photo.) 

We’re in the midst of a national debate that makes no sense.  Liberals promote a plan that even some supporters agree won’t do what needs to be done– but they support it anyway.  Conservatives oppose, in almost knee-jerk fashion, anything that Liberals propose– including the cooperative option Conservatives themselves once tabled.  Neither side cares to understand where the other is coming from.  They dismiss each other as nutcases. 

But with the country almost evenly divided and equally committed to their beliefs, we dismiss our popposition at the risk of civil war.

So what gives?  How are we to make sense out of a seemingly nonsensical debate?  Here’s an effort to apply the rules of conflict analysis that I developed in Sri Lanka:

1. It’s Never About What They Say It’s About.  This debate isn’t about health care at all– it’s about the role of government.  Simply put, Liberals believe we need government to make things better.  Conservatives believe government rarely makes things better. 

We already have a government that provides a lot of services and intervenes in a lot of markets.  Few people would argue that government shouldn’t provide police, security (military), and banking regulation.  But many (Liberals and Conservatives alike) would argue that market intervention, such as farm and oil subsidies, actually does more harm than good.  And whether through corruption or incompetence, banking regulation has been an abject failure in the past two decades, and it’s still not fixed. 

Still, Liberals believe that government can be made trustworthy, and that a trustworthy government is an essential partner in creating better lives.  The role of government should be expanded.  Conservatives, on the other hand, believe that government is by nature untrustworthy, and that it already has too big a role in our lives.  They don’t argue for no government, but they do argue for less of it.

These two views are largely irreconcilable, since they favor moving in opposite directions.

2. Someone Always Benefits from Increasing Conflict.  Usually it’s a segment of the ruling class, and this conflict is no exception.  By exacerbating conflict, legislators and political leaders and commentators both sides guarantee continued publicity and support from their constituencies.  In short, they gain power.  And while they bicker, we the people gain nothing.  Thus, the conflict in this case benefits politicians on both sides.

3. Identifying an outside enemy gives leaders the ability to control inside events.  There’s growing dissatisfaction with government in all quarters.  Both the preceding and current Presidents gave hundreds of billions of dollars to rich folks who hadn’t earned it.  The wars overseas go on.  And the biggest fear of both political parties is that people will turn away from them and support a third party.  Because as long as there are only two parties, they get to set the agenda.

Enter the health care debate.  By exploiting one of the few ideas that divide us, politicians get to paint “them” as the enemy.  They’re crazy.  They want to destroy our way of life.  They’re unAmerican.  Politicians on both sides are doing this as I write this.

By doing so, politicians control the national dialogue.  They turn it away from the widespread sentiment that they– the politicians– have failed us, and refocus it on divisions between us, the people.

4. The goal of conflict is not to win, but to control.  Conflict is a tool to control the national dialogue: in this case to divert our attention from our dissatisfaction with our leaders.  So expect the debate to drag on as long as possible, because while we’re focused on that we’re not focused on our leaders’ shortcomings.  Our leaders have already told us to expect the debate to continue through the end of the year.  My bet is, it’ll continue next year as well.

5. The effect of these efforts by leaders at control is a fundamental shift in national thinking and the acceptance of ”the other” as enemy.  The damage caused is permanent.  We don’t move on from here and say, “Hey buddy, well fought.  Let’s go have a beer,” because the other side remains “the enemy.”  In part this is because our leaders will continue to exploit our growing hatred for their own ends: few leaders ever give up power voluntarily.  And in part, it continues because hatred is a potent emotion that is difficult to extinguish.

In short, we’re being manipulated for short-term gain by our political leaders.  But the cost of that manipulation will outlast any gains.

Does health care need fixing?  You bet.  Does either side have a proposal that will do that?  They do not.  Among voters, neither opponents nor supporters of the health care reform proposals even know what’s in the proposals, but we passionately support or oppose them anyway and blame the other side for our ills.

Demonstrators hold up banners on Capitol Hill in Washington, ...
(AP photo.)

As the national dialogue continues to deteriorate, President Obama warned opponents not to mischaracterize the contents of health care reform bills.  He failed to admonish supporters in the same way.

Meanwhile, tens of thousands marched on Washington carrying banners that associated the President with Hitler, socialism, communism, and even the Joker.

So which of these conflicting effigies is the President?  Probably D: None of the above.  What these marchers are likely saying is that Obama is unAmerican.  More to the point, they see his health care reform proposals as violating what they see as deep-seated American values: free enterprise and fiscal responsibility. 

Liberals will no doubt counter that government already gives people a lot of support.  And they’re right.  Factional politics requires that we seek a middle ground.  But many conservatives believe we’re already at the middle ground.  Moving government into the realm of private enterprise is unacceptable.  Spending hundreds of billions of dollars we don’t have (on top of an already-staggering national debt) is unacceptable short of a national emergency.  And even reform proponents have bemoaned that there is no emergency– just an opportunity.

On the other hand, it is an American value that our elderly, our working poor, and even much of our middle class be without health insurance?  Surely not.  Yet, ironically enough, those who once decried “trillion dollar wars” on the grounds that we couldn’t afford them, now insist that Obama’s $900 billion price tag (his opponents put it far higher) is not only acceptable, but essential.

It is these two conflicting views of America– these two views of which is the higher priority– that may bring us to blows.

As a person who has lived in both urban and rural places, who has friends from across the political spectrum, and whose political views align with no party I have yet encountered, I’m appalled at the caricaturization taking place on both sides.  What each side says about themselves is disonformative; what they say about each other demonstrates a complete lack of understanding of what makes the other side tick.  Worse, neither side seems to care much about understanding the other.

That leaves us with limited choices.  At some point, we will have to moderate our speech and begin to try to understand why the other side says what it does.  Or we disengage, divide the country, and agree to disagree.  Or we start backing up our passionate (but illogical) arguments with violence.

I’ve spent 15 years studying civil war and working to end it.  What’s happening here, now, in my own nation, really scares me.

Sharif Abdullah writes:

I shed no tears for the passing of the LTTE or its leader, Prabhakaran. The goal of the organization was always unrealistic and its methods always brutally violent. I am not sorry to see them go.

I do lament the orgy of violence, and the bloodlust that still grips the island. With upwards of 20,000 of their fellow-citizens killed or maimed in the recent fighting, with their country and their economy in tatters, I believe the celebrations in the capital city of Colombo are ill-advised and will be short-lived. I believe the costs of this war will be more than the country can bear.

As bad as things are, I believe the situation is poised to get much worse. Is it possible for a “failed state” to get “failed-er”? War crimes, summary executions, extensive use of prison/ concentration camps and the possibility of ethnic cleansing are distinct possibilities.

So, what happens next? It’s anyone’s guess, but here are a few benchmarks or milestones you should pay attention to in the near future:

The next 3-6 days:

  • Are international observers granted access to all former battle areas?
  • Are international observers and international/ independent media granted access to all refugees?

(If not: expect a massive cover-up of war crimes, summary execution of suspected LTTE cadres and sympathizers, and bulldozing the “safe zone” battlefield to conceal the extent of non-combatant deaths.)

The next 3-6 weeks:

  • Are the refugee camps opened and unlocked? Are people residing in the camps only because they WANT to be there, not because they are FORCED to be there? (Of course, it is reasonable to restrict people from returning to areas that have not been cleared of landmines or have other health and safety hazards.)
  • Are detention camps for LTTE combatants open to Red Cross inspection?
  • Are the Sri Lankan people given full information on how much the war actually costs, in human lives and in financial expense? (The government stopped publishing casualty figures months ago, similar to the Bush Administration not allowing photos of flag-draped caskets returning from Iraq .)
  • Has the government initiated and opened a national dialog on the long-term solution of the underlying ethnic issues that gave rise to the LTTE? Have all parties and constituencies been invited to participate?

(If not: expect summary execution of LTTE combatants and ethnic cleansing.)

The next 3-6 months:

  • Is insurgent violence receding (or eliminated)?
  • Is there a reduction and removal of the police state security apparatus (fewer checkpoints, less population screening, fewer “high security zones” in the North and East)?

(If yes: this would be the first indication that the violence of President Rajapakse’s military offense against LTTE is yielding a non-violent result.)

Next year:

  • Is there a rise in post-traumatic stress related factors (the already astronomical suicide rate goes higher; alcohol and drug use up, domestic violence on the rise)?
  • Is there more violence on the island than in 2003 (the first full year of the Ceasefire Agreement)?
  • Is there a rise in communal violence?

(If not: Sri Lankans can then legitimately celebrate the victory of May, 2009.)

Three years:

  • Is there a meaningful devolution of power that protects the rights of ALL Sri Lankans, including Tamil and Muslim minorities?
  • Has Sri Lanka moved off of the list of “failed states”?

Stay tuned. The first benchmarks are less than a week away.

All About Power

Fighters from Uganda's Lord's Resistance Army are pictured ...
(AFP photo: Members of the Lords Resistance Army, accused of hacking 45 civilians to death in Uganda on Friday.)

Today 14 Afghan school children were killed by a suicide bomber apparently sent by Al Queda-connected Taliban leader Siraj Haqqani.  In Pakistan, a suicide bomber killed 34 civilian good Samaritans after asking them to help push his car.  In Gaza, the death toll from the Israeli bombing that began yesterday has risen to 290 people, including 20 children.  The majority of the dead were Palistinian police.  Seven people were shot in Tijuana, Mexico overnight.  That nation’s death toll from criminal violence exceeds 5,300 this year.  In Uganda, officials confirm Friday’s reported massacre in which rebels hacked 45 people to death with machetes– mostly women, children, and the elderly.

The killers call their causes by different names: religious purity, ethnic pride, security, or freedom.  But behind the words, it all boils down to power: who has it, who wants it, and who is willing to kill to get it or keep it.  And it’s no longer armies battling each other as it was a few decades ago: as Trappist monk Fr. Thomas Keating observes,

“In time of war, one is now safer in the military rather than remaining a civilian, since non-combatants suffer a much higher proportion of casualties than soldiers.”*

How have we come to this? How have we become so blinded by our fear of losing power that we accept the death of men, women, and even children as unavoidable?

Ironically, we fight over an obsolete concept of power: the right to dictate to others how they should live, lest they dictate to us how we should live.  And yes, I’m suggesting that every one of us who clings to the concept of centralized government is complicit in the ongoing violent quest for power.  Every nation at war, every rebel group, and every warlord has as its goal the establishment and protection of national, trans-national, or pseudo-national power.

But what if there was no centralized power?  What if each community or neighborhood could choose its own affiliation with a larger government, and could vote on that government’s policies?  What if we looked within for our strength, rather than to elite leaders in faroff capitols?  In short, what of we had nothing to fight over?

Unrealistic, you say.  Yet 4GW pioneer John Robb (no Lefty) says it’s our nationalism that makes us vulnerable.  He prescribes “a wholesale reinvention [of] networked communities”– not a top-down government, but a self-reliant cellular structure that weathers shocks and has no power to take away.  The existing  over-arching top-down structure threatens not only our political security, but our food security, our economic security, and even our very freedom to choose how we would live.

Is resilient community impossible?  Or is it unavoidable?  A libertarian pipe dream, or a radical new way of thinking that integrates solutions to what many of us already admit is wrong with our present system?  Those are questions we must face over the next few years and decades.  The transition– like any large-scale transition– will not be easy.  Will we continue to hoard our power in centralized organizations, killing all who threaten (even though those centralized systems serve at best 50% of the population– and at worst a very few)?  Or will we risk the unknown?

War, data, and communication have already moved beyond the centralized model.   Examples of decentralized business and agriculture abound.  How long will we insist that our centralized model of government, be it republic, socialist, fascist, religious, or other, is the only way to do it?

* Contemplative Outreach News (Vol. 24, No. 1, Dec. 2008), 1.

Browsing on YouTube, I found Billy Bragg‘s performance of this song about Rachel Corrie, a 23-year-old American peace activist who died in the Gaza Strip in 2003 under disputed circumstances. What is certain is that she believed wholeheartedly in nonviolent direct action, that she volunteered to be a human shield to protect Palestinian homes in Gaza, and that she was killed by an amored bulldozer operated by an Israeli soldier. It is also clear that because she was an American, Rachel Corrie’s death called more attention to atrocities in Palestine than hundreds of Palestinian deaths.

I cannot help but celebrate such commitment. There have been times in my peacework in Sri Lanka when I have felt that if my death would in any way help to stop that war, I would make that sacrifice. There’s a limit to how many victims one can see and empathize with before becoming either fully dedicated or hopelessly cynical. I have done both at different times.  I believe that the right answer is full dedication. Jesus called us to “follow” him. Paul called on us to “imitate” Jesus.  I do not believe that Jesus demanded that we sacrifice our lives in death– but I do believe he asked us to be willing to.  But that’s a call not easily followed– and, for me at least, a level of dedication not long held.

In the end, I gave a piece of my sanity to the effort to end the Sri Lankan war.  These days, my efforts consist primarily of thew written word– but I still have nightmares about the things I saw and heard in Batticaloa, in Padaviya, and in the South.

Rachel Corrie made the ultimate commitment to peace.  She answered the Call in ways that most of us never will– and in so doing, she reminded us what is possible for a human being to achieve.

Here’s an interview with Rachel from two days before she was killed.

P.S. Here’s a segment from a documentary by Britain’s Channel 4 on Rachel’s death and the conditions in which she worked.

The FBI is investigating a series of firebombings attributed to animal rights activists in California.  They’ve labelled the attacks, “domestic terrorism.”

Ironically, this kind of tactic will probably eliminate the chances of the animal rights bill passing in November.  One has to wonder: do these terrorists not realize they’re damaging their cause, or does this sort of extremism benefit them in some way?  Surely it does little good for the cause of animal rights– and even the cause of abuse prevention.  But it does keep these so-called activists persecuted and on the fringes, the “vanguard” of a movement they “wish” to become mainstream.

While not alleging any involvement on the part of the corporate meat and poultry industries, I have to observe that this terrorism benefits industry more than the animals it claims to represent.  And that’s sad.  While I don’t believe in animal rights, I do believe in treating them humanely.  But violence isn’t the way to accomplish either goal.


A 2001 peace meditation in a Muslim village in Sri Lanka.

As clashes heat up in Sri Lanka’s northern districts of Mannar and Vavuniya, BBC notes:

“A Norwegian-brokered ceasefire in 2002 broke down after several years, resulting in renewed fighting that has killed more than 5,000 people.”

The statement hits me like a kick to the stomach. Because, while the Norwegians brokered the deal, the team I worked on was instrumental in making the cease-fire happen. Three years of intensive grassroots work, with its setbacks and new strategies, had finally paid off.

Then we dropped the ball. Once the cease-fire was signed, all of us involved trusted the combatants to do the right thing. Each of us went on to all of the pressing matters that we’d put off while peace remained the first priority.  I began a series of medical treatments that put me out of comission for two years, got married, focused on my business, and saved enough money for a down payment on our current home.  Meanwhile, all of us looked on, pleased, as peacetime business boomed and economic development made real progress.  Surely, we thought, the benefits of peace would be obvious to everyone, making renewed fighting unthinkable.

But conflict is never unthinkable.  The combatants did not use the cease-fire to disarm, broaden understanding, and promote democracy.  News flash: they never have, and they never will.  Instead, they consolidated power, fanned the flames of ethnic nationalism, and worked tirelessly to ensure that peace did not happen.  Now we see the results: in a year of fighting, 5,000 more people have died.

Looking back, though many areas of my life required attention, I regret losing focus on the peace process in Sri Lanka. In fact, I consider my participation as one of the few really meaningful things I have done in my life, and my pulling back after 2001 as a great failure.   To be sure, I was not alone: all of us on the team lost our focus. 

For those who would end a war, there is much to be learned here. First and foremost, cease-fire should never be mistaken for peace. When cease-fire breaks out (or when the troops come home), our work had just begun.

Secondly, and perhaps more importantly, if peace is to be made, it will not be made by the combatants. If you’re truly anti-war, plan on participating in the process– because no amount of pressure will cause a combatant party to do the work of making peace.  They’ve got a vested interest in continuing the conflict

If peace is to be made, it’s up to committed individuals willing to make the commitment to see it through.  I truly regret that I let our opportunity pass.

“We are already in contact … with those Taliban who are not part of al-Qaida and terrorist networks, who are really in the majority … and we would like to add to this process as the opportunity presents itself.”

Afghan President Hamid Karzai has announced a policy of engagement with the Taliban.  This stands in stark contrast to U.S. policy in the Middle East and elsewhere, which discourages contact with “the enemy.”

In post-modern warfare, “the enemy” cannot be beaten– and all too often, the goal is not to beat them, but to increase power and wealth while appearing to try to beat them. It takes a strong and moral leader to forego the obvious political benefits of war and work for peace.  Such leaders are rare these days.

Karzai seems to realize that the long-term wellbeing of his country depends on ending the conflict. And since “the enemy” cannot be beaten, it must be converted to allies– or at least participants in a process of political rather than military nature.  Communication with the opposing side(s) is esssential to bringing them back within the political process.

Though the U.S. has made tentative noises of support, Karzai ultimately risks running afoul of the U.S., which would rather fight than talk.

[I received a rather inspiring email from a co-worker on the Sri Lanka team.  Here's an excerpt:]

Today, I received an email from the organization of an old and trusted friend, Margaret Wheatley. She has written several books on community and organization. In the email, her organization said:

In times of chaos, the potential for disaster is as strong as for new possibilities. To navigate these times, says Berkana co-founder Margaret Wheatley, we need each other to test out ideas, share what we’re learning, see in new ways, listen to each other’s stories. Over the past several years, Meg has seen the unavoidable impact of chaos, learned to thrive in that chaos, and continued to believe that it is crucial that we stay together and support one another in this world.

This reminded me of our two-part process: grama swaraj [government by the communities] and Constitutional Convention. In both of these processes, we must be constantly testing new ideas, sharing the learning, and, most importantly, listening to each other. That of course means listening to the people in the cities, towns and villages…

Please remember: the people know more than the “experts” do. Wherever I go in the US, people from all walks of life are praising the Vision Declaration, and want to use it as a template to change the American governance system! (So far, I have not heard one single critical or negative comment!) I have emailed hundreds of copies of it around the country…  All that comes from meetings of ordinary people…

So, let’s pledge ourselves to the very messy, but very creative process of facilitating the voice of the people.

[For more about the Vision Declaration, see http://www.sarvodayausa.org/sarvodaya_peace/bus_tour.php.  The Declaration itself is not yet available on line.]

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